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Italy’s position regarding its past wrongdoings towards Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia conflicts with the values outlined in its Mattei Plan for Africa.

The Mattei Plan represents Italy’s flagship initiative to reset relations with Africa through a model that blends development cooperation, trade and strategic diplomacy. Designed to enhance Italy’s role in Europe and Africa, the plan seeks to diversify energy partnerships for Europe, and address irregular migration by promoting Africa-wide economic stability and job creation.

In July, Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni visited Ethiopia to attend the United Nations (UN) Food Systems Summit, co-chaired by the two countries. The trip highlighted Italy’s growing political and economic involvement in the region under the Mattei Plan. It marked Meloni’s second visit to Ethiopia in two years and her fifth meeting with Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali since 2023, several of which also involved Somalia’s president.

Meloni describedEthiopia as a ‘key ally’ and the Horn of Africa as astrategicFocus on Italy’s involvement in Africa. Italy established a Comprehensive Plan of Action with Eritrea, increased collaboration with Somalia in areas of security and development, and finalized an Ethiopian-Italian Cooperation Framework addressing agriculture, infrastructure, economic growth, and peacebuilding.

However, Italy’s efforts are still cast in the shadow of its unaddressed colonial past – especially its ongoingrefusalto recognize or make amends for the crimes carried out during its colonization and control of the area.

From 1882 to 1941, Italy carried out a harsh campaign of expansion and control throughout the Horn region. Eritrea, which was colonized in 1890, served as the first and most enduring Italian colony. The fascist government reinforced racial structures and economic exploitation.exploitationThrough the taking of land, forced labor, and the suppression of culture. Thousands of Eritreans were forcibly and methodically recruited into the colonial army as askaris and sent to fight in conflicts in Libya, Somalia, and Ethiopia.

Leaders of the resistance were held in brutal conditions on the isolated islands of the Dahlak Archipelago, where imprisonment was equivalent to adeathsentence. Some were put to death or sent into exile, while entire groups were forced to move as productive areas were taken over for Italian colonists, leading to significant social and economic disruption.

Somalia faced comparable exploitation. By the 1920s, Italian Somaliland had become a plantation colony reliant on forced labor and the seizure of land. Thousands were forced to work under harsh conditions on banana and sugarcane plantations.plantationsto maintain Italy’s export-based economy.

The uprising was brutally crushed, and numerous prisoners were sent toconcentrationcamps, where thousands perished due to hunger, illness, and excessive labor. Shrouded in the language of modernizing the area, these measures destroyed Somali social structures and resulted in lasting effects of instability.

Italy’s campaign in Ethiopia (1935-1941) wasguided by a systematic ‘policy of terror and extermination.’Italian troops used chemical weapons, such as mustard gas, and razed villages, bombed Red Cross hospitals, and carried out executions of prisoners.

The 1937 Addis Ababa massacreAlone was responsible for 19,000 to 30,000 deaths in three days, while the Debre Libanos monasterymassThe massacres exposed Italy’s plan to obliterate Ethiopia’s spiritual and cultural identity. This was motivated by vengeance for their defeat at the 1896 Battle of Adwa, along with a fascist belief in racial superiority.

After the collapse of fascism, Italy mostly avoided responsibility for its actions in the Horn. Although the 1947 Paris PeaceTreatiesincluded reparations clauses, which have not been carried out.

Ethiopia proposed the creation of a joint court with Ethiopian and European judges to try suspected war criminals, such as Rodolfo Graziani (who played a significant role in Italy’s colonization and occupation of the Horn region and Libya), but this proposal was turned down. The UN War Crimes CommissiondeclinedTo categorize Italy’s actions in Ethiopia as part of World War II. Requests for extradition were rejected due to political unfeasibility.

Many years later, Italy further offended by constructing a state-funded tomb in Affile to commemorate Graziani, known as the ‘butcher of Addis Ababa,’ representing an ongoing unwillingness to address historical events.

Italy’s actions—such as development aid and the repatriation of cultural artifacts like the Axum Obelisk—were not followed by a formal apology or admission of fault. Although Presidents Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (1997) and Sergio Mattarella (2016)expressedgrief experienced during trips to Addis Ababa, without any official legislative decision or compensatory measure being implemented.

Meanwhile, in 2008, current prime minister Silvio Berlusconi made an officialapologyTo Libya and committed to paying US$5 billion in compensation. This exposed a double standard that weakens Italy’s credibility in advocating for a renewed partnership with the Horn.

Meloni’s recent engagement notably sidestepped historical responsibility. Whenasked by La Repubblicaduring her 2023 trip to Ethiopia, she commented on the potential for an apology, stating: ‘We did not discuss it; your newspaper was absent.

Italy’s revived connections with Eritrea, Somalia, and Ethiopia are mostly transactional—centered on investment and managing migration—while overlooking the ethical responsibility toward the region and its inhabitants. This silence goes against the principles of the Mattei Plan, which promotes equal partnerships and opposes exploitative methods. Although infrastructure development and aid are significant, they cannot replace a moral acknowledgment.

For the Horn region, seeking an official apology goes beyond being symbolic; it supports continuous transitional justice initiatives and aligns with the African Union’s goals regarding reparations for colonial violence. Ethiopia’s Transitional Justice Policy provides a starting point for dealing with crimes committed by foreigners through truth discovery and historical recognition.

Eritrea and Somalia have ethical and political reasons to seek acknowledgment for the wrongs that influenced their current situations. At the 2024 Italy-Africa Summit, Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki reportedly reminded Meloni that true collaboration demands openness, including theopeningcolonial records and recognition of the 150,000 Eritreans forced to join Italy’s military.

The area’s past, characterized by infrastructure developed for exploitation and colonization rather than local advantage, presents a warning. Without responsibility, the Horn cannot be certain that this new involvement won’t lead to repeating history’s exploitative and imbalanced patterns.

For Italy, the Mattei Plan might offer a chance to shift a relationship based on domination and denial into one built on equality and responsibility. Until Italy recognizes its colonial offenses and makes tangible efforts toward restorative justice, its involvement with the region will continue to be affected by unresolved injuries.

Reparations must involve truth-revealing programs, access to records, memorials, assistance for survivors, and changes in education within Italy to guarantee that colonial history is properly taught. An apology is not a sign of weakness but the basis for authentic collaboration—rooted in trust, respect, and common humanity.

Only then can Italy’s Mattei Plan genuinely reflect the fairness and mutual respect it claims.

Tadesse Simie Metekia, Senior Researcher, Special Projects, ISS Addis Ababa

Saron Hirpa Abu, Research Assistant, Special Projects, ISS Addis Ababa

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